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达赖喇嘛10月26号西藏儿童村校庆日上的讲话
请看博讯热点:西藏问题

(博讯北京时间2008年10月30日 来稿)
    (供稿者按:由于媒体报道此事上有些失误的地方, 本人觉得有必要将原文演讲翻译的中文翻译贴出, 以便广大中文读者自己辨别。
    
     有些媒体对达赖喇嘛的这次讲话有些稍微错误的报道, 因此以下是英文和中文的翻译稿供大家阅读。) (博讯 boxun.com)

    
    我在这儿就不需要重申了, 因为今天聚集在这儿的僧俗民众和其他地方的很多人对现在正在进行的中藏会谈和与此有关的事情表示出极大的关注。
    
    早些时候在9月11日, 我同嘎夏(内阁)政府和议会提到过直到今天我们有我们自己与中国政府联系的方式。在前些时候, 在西藏发生了不幸的事情。遍及整个西藏三区的藏人勇敢的表达出他们的愤慨和失望。不仅仅包括僧妮, 而且包括政府工作人员, 学生, 尤其是在北京中央民族学院学习的学生。
    
    不管信不信, 西藏全区的藏人包括僧妮群众, 年老的和年少的, 所有的藏人无一例外的表达出他们的不满。那段时间, 我一直希望中国政府能够对此次事件的起因进行调查, 并寻找出更为现实的解决方法。但是相反的, (他们)并没有这样做。事实是不能被涂抹掉的。
    
    藏人表达了他们一直以来所想表达的, 为此他们被当作了"分裂份子", "暴徒", 而被严厉的打压。
    
    在这种非常危机的情况下, 藏人献出了很多。因此我们就不可能当作什么都不知道。这也是为什么直到今天, 我们还一直坚守我们的政治立场, 尽我们所能地寻求一种对双方都有利的途径。
    很多国家包括印度在内都对此表示出支持, 尤其是来自中国知识分子的支持逐渐上升。这就是胜利。事实上, 我们的最终目标是改善现在西藏的境况, 但是这并没有得到实践。
    
    因此, (1988)在欧洲议会上我提出的斯特拉斯堡建议中一开始我就声明关于西藏的最终决定还是有西藏人民自己作。1993年和中国政府的直接联系中断。然后我们和全体藏人商讨之后, 我们决定继续坚守这种政治立场。
    
    在这种危机时刻, 如果我们当作什么事情都没有发生, 这并不能解决问题。
    
    西藏问题是西藏人民的问题, 而不是我个人的问题。这也是为什么西藏问题最终还是要由西藏人民自己考虑并决定。第二, 我们的政治体制是一个真正的民主的政治体制, 不象中国共产党一样, 他们嘴里说着民主, 但却施行着独裁政治。这永远都不会是我们将遵循的。
    
    当你进入了一个非常时期, 你需要为此而思考, 讨论和辩论。这完全不是关于政治集体为自己的政治地位而争辩。也就是说你的行为不可以仅仅以你的政治立场为基础。这也不是关于政治集团的意识形态的争斗。相反的, 我们应该为寻求解决西藏问题的策略而进行讨论和争辩。我们应该这样做。
    
    所有藏人应该为保持西藏文化而工作。这种文化传统与世界上其他的文化传统不同, 因为我们有善良和同情作为我们人性的根基。如果我们能够保持我们的这种独特的文化传统, 这也有利于世界并得到他们的赞赏。这都是很好的事情。
    
    因此, 我们为正义而奋斗不仅仅是为了600万藏人。我们有能力为全世界带来利益。我们为正义的奋斗是以理论为基础的。如果实现了, 那也会帮助千百万中国人寻找到一个有利与身心健康的新的有意义的生活方式。
    
    如果以善心为基础的西藏的宗教文化被消灭 , 社会变成一个以拜金主义为主的社会。将来这对中国人民也不利, 也会是他们的损失。
    
    这就是为什么我们为正义的斗争不仅仅有利于自己, 而且有利于他人。现在我们将如何做呢? 那也是为什么我们要讨论西藏问题, 所以请你们讨论这一问题。
    
    
    由于最近的西藏三月事件, (中国政府)控告是我煽动了这一事件。那段时间, 我公开的说过他们应该到达然萨拉来, 仔细的调查我们所有的文件和我每次对从西藏逃亡出来的新的难民的演讲录音。但是他们没有, 他们仅仅做的是控诉我。
    
    考虑到这些, 如果我一再的继续我的立场, 而不是去帮助解决问题, 这将会产生一种障碍。西藏问题是全体藏人的问题, 因此这也需要人民自己解决。我不需要介入此事。这也是为什么我在9月11号决定我不能再担当任何责任, 也看不到继续担当责任的理由。
    说实话, 我可以继续担起这个责任, 为此我也可以有解释的理由, 就象我一直以来所做的那样。但是和那些根本不相信正义的人对话实在是太难了。在国际媒体上我很清楚的提到过我对中国人民仍然抱有信心, 但是对中国政府, 我的这种信心现在正在变得很稀薄了, 我一直在说这变的很困难了。
    
    
    因此, 我要求嘎夏政府和议会组织一个十一月的特别会议。我感觉到这次会议将不会带来即时的解决方法。但是, 藏人应该集体性的做一个开头, 并寻求一种我们将来应该采取的长远方案。最终决定应该以事实为基础。这也是这次特别会议的目的.
    
    Speech By the Dalai Lama on Oct 26 at T.C.V Anniversary Day
    (Translated by Rebecca, Lhakpa Kyizom and Namla)
    
    I don’t have to reiterate, since many monks, nuns and lay people have gathered here today, and everywhere people have shown interest in the ongoing relations between China and Tibet and the ways to relate.
    
    Earlier on September 11, 2008 (as it might be) I have mentioned both to the Kashag [Cabinet] and Tibetan Parliament that till date we have our own ways of relating with the Chinese Government. In the recent past, a crisis has occurred in Tibet. From all over the three regions, individual Tibetans have shown their deep resentment and despair with great courage—not only monks and nuns alone, but government workers, students and especially those from the Central Nationalities University in Beijing.
    
    However, be it believer or non-believer, Tibetans, including monks and nuns, old and young, every Tibetan without differentiation has shown their resentment. During that time, I hoped that the Chinese government would investigate the reality and come up with a realistic solution, but unfortunately it didn’t happen. Reality cannot be erased.
    
    The Tibetan people have shown what they long for and they have been distortedly labeled as “splittists” and ”rebels” and were harshly repressed.
    
    In this critical situation, Tibetans in Tibet have sacrificed so much and we cannot pretend not to know this. That’s why, till date we have maintained our political stance, and we have tried every means to benefit both sides.
    
    Many countries, including India, have shown support to this, particularly support from Chinese intellectuals has grown over the years. That’s a victory. In reality, our responsibility and goal is to improve the situation in Tibet but this has not materialized.
    
    Due to this, I mentioned in the European Parliament in the first Strasbourg proposal [1988] that the final decision regarding Tibet will be made by the Tibetan people. In 1993, direct relations with the Chinese Government broke down. Then we had discussions with the Tibetan people and we stood with this primary political stance.
    
    In this critical situation, if we turn a blind eye it won’t achieve anything.
    
    The Tibetan issue is an issue of the Tibetan people and not about me alone. That’s why the issue of Tibet should be considered and decided by the people. Secondly, ours is a true democratic system and not like the Communist government where they speak about democracy but practice autocracy. This is not the way we will ever do things.
    
    When you enter a crucial period, you have to think, discuss and debate. It’s not about political groups defending their own positions. The point is that your actions should not be just based on your political stance. It is not a struggle between the ideologies of political groups. In turn, we have to discuss and debate on the strategies to resolve the Tibetan issue. This we have to do.
    
    All the Tibetans have to work to keep Tibetan identity alive. This identity is different to the rest of the world because we have kindness and compassion as the basis of our nature. If we are able to keep our identity alive it will be helpful to the world and inspire admiration, which is good.
    
    
    Therefore, our struggle for truth is not only for six million Tibetans. We have the capability to benefit the world. Our struggle for truth is based on reasoning, and if it is successfully resolved then it will surely help millions of Chinese to find a new way of life and one that is meaningful, with both healthy body and happy mind.
    
    If Tibetan religion and culture based on compassion is eradicated and society becomes only concerned with money, in the future this will not help the Chinese and will be their loss.
    
    That’s why our struggle for truth is to benefit both self and others. Now, how are we going to do it? This is why we are going to discuss on the Tibetan issue, so please discuss.
    
    Due to the March unrest in Tibet [the Chinese government] accused me of instigating this unrest. During that period, I made a public announcement that they should come to Dharamsala and carefully investigate the files and the conversations I have had with Tibetans from Tibet that have been recorded on tape. But they did not investigate it. The only thing they do is to accuse me.
    
    Taking this all into account, if I carry on in my position, instead of helping to resolve things, it creates an obstacle. The Tibetan issue is an issue of Tibetan people and it should be resolved by the people. I need not interfere in this. That’s why I made a decision on September 11th 2008 that I cannot hold this responsibility and don’t see a reason to carry this responsibility.
    
    Speaking truly, I can take the responsibility because I have reasons to explain, as I have been sincere throughout. It’s difficult to talk to those who don’t belief in truth. I have clearly mentioned to the world press that I still have faith in the Chinese people, but my faith with the Chinese government is thinning. I have been saying that it’s getting difficult.
    
    Therefore, I have requested the Kashag (office of Cabinet Ministers) and Parliament to organize this [November] Special meeting. I feel that this conference will not bring about an immediate solution. However, the Tibetan people should take collective initiative and take an interest based on the kind of long-term strategies that we should employ to resolve our struggle. The decisions will depend on the reality. That is the aim of the meeting. [博讯来稿] (博讯 boxun.com)

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